The following sketch is a feeble attempt to recall some reminiscences of a life well worthy of a fuller record, whether on account of the excellence of her of whom it treats, who was truly a woman of whom it might be said “she bath done what she could,” or because of the stirring events with which she came into close contact.
Miss Mary Ann M’Cracken was horn in Belfast, 8th July, 1770. Her childhood was spent in a house in High Street nearly opposite Bridge Street. Her father, John M’Cracken, was captain and part owner of a vessel trading between Belfast and the West Indies, and belonged to a Scotch family which had settled in Ireland. His mother was a strict Presbyterian, stern
and uncompromising. On Christmas Day she would sit conspicuously at her spinning-wheel as a protest against the keeping holy of such a time. Her granddaughter, Mary Ann M’Cracken, was wont to say she inspired more fear than love, and was enabled to exercise considerable influence, from the firm conviction, entertained by her children and dependants, that any threats she might utter would surely come to pass. Several illustrations were given of this supposed power of invoking judgment, one of which, as it concerns the family, may be related.
In the year 1763 Captain M’Cracken had occasion to spend some months in Liverpool to superintend the building of a new vessel. He proposed to take his wife to reside with him during that time, and to leave their children, two in number, under their grandmother’s care. The old lady, not relishing the charge, told her daughter-in-law “she wished she might get a scare before coming back.” And truly she did ; for her husband, not wishing her to return in the new and untried vessel, sent her home before him. The ship in which she was encountered rough weather, and was wrecked on the South Rock near Ballywalter. All on board were saved by getting into the boat, but somehow they were unable to bring the boat quite to dry land, and had to wade a long distance in shallow water. To add to Mrs. M’Cracken’s fatigue, she carried in her pockets 200 guineas, which had been entrusted to her to bring over, so inconvenient at that time were the arrangements for transmitting money. -
Mrs. M’Cracken’s maiden name was Ann Joy. She was daughter of Francis Joy, who established the News-Letter 1st Sept., 1737 (the third newspaper published in Ireland). The Joys claimed to be of Huguenot descent, three named Joy or Joyeuse having come from France, one of whom settled in the North of Ireland. Mary M ‘Cracken used to. remark that she could trace different nationalities among her ancestry. Her mother’s grandfather was Mr. George Martin. “My grandmother Joy was daughter to George Martin. who was Sovereign of Belfast, and a Presbyterian. It was at that time the custom for the Sovereign and burgesses to march in procession to church, and for the Sovereign to hand Lady Donegall into her seat, from whence she had a view of the burgesses’ seat. Not -seeing the Sovereign there, and, on- inquiring as to the cause, finding that he was a Presbyterian, and that when he had, performed his official duty he went to his own place of worship, she gave -orders that in future none but members of the Established Church should be appointed burgesses; and at that time there were but eleven who could write their own names. This my mother had heard from her:
mother, and wished very much to see the book in which their names were recorded, and being acquainted with the Town Clerk, she asked him to get her a sight of the book, which he did, and I looked over her shoulder and saw it written—Hugh (his X mark) Doak, bricklayer, but neglected to ascertain the date. My grandmother Joy’s Christian name was Margaret; she was the youngest daughter of Mr. Martin, and was born in the year 1690. forty years before my mother. George Martin made a present to the town of a piece of ground on which the old Market House was built. He advanced £2,000 to pay the King’s troops (he was Sovereign when King William came to the throne), which was never repaid to him or any of his family.”
Such was the story related by Mary M’Cracken as a family tradition, but there seems to be some confusion of dates and persons. According to Benn’s History of Belfast, the only Geo. Martin whose name appears in the list of Sovereigns held that post in 1649. He did not complete his year of office, as his house and goods were seized by the Parliamentary troops under Venables, and he himself forced to fly to Scotland, because he did not provide accommodation for the soldiers. This Geo. Martin was great-great-grandfather to Henry Joy, and would bear the same relationship to Mary M’Cracken He had eight sons.
Hugh Doak was Sovereign in 1647. His signature was appended to various public documents, always in initials in printed character (the mode of making a mark frequently practised in those times), the fill name having been written by someone else, not always in the same handwriting. His will was signed in the same manner, and shows that he was possessed of considerable property, and that his daughter had been married to a member of one of the best families in the town.
Such an incident as that concerning Lady Donegall and the Sovereign is by no means incredible, as both before and after the Revolution there were laws on the statute book which prohibited dissenters from holding any public offices except the most menial. These laws were not always enforced, but they might be if it suited any one’s interest or humour to demand that they should. There might be reasons why, in Belfast, they should sometimes be allowed to fall into abeyance. Not only were the Presbyterians the most numerous and influential, but the office of Sovereign was one not always coveted in those unsettled times.
That there was mock uncertainty in the enforcement of Acts of Conformity would appear from a petition presented to the House of Commons, in 1707, against the return of an li{.P. for Belfast. At his election only six burgesses could vote, the others not having received the Sacrament according to the Episcopal form. The six who voted were equally divided; the Sovereign, therefore, claimed to have the casting vote, which he gave in favour of his man. On the petition being presented, one of the opposers of the returned member failed to prove that he had taken the Sacramental test. The M.P. therefore retained his seat, having been returned by three out of twelve burgesses..
Mary M’Cracken was the youngest but one of a large family, of whom four sons and two daughters lived to grow up, and several attained to an advanced age. She was a delicate child, and thought to be ia consumption. Contrary to the modern practice, she was kept on low diet for the benefit of her health. However, the treatment does not appear to have been unsuccessful, for, as she said herself, “I have been a long time consuming away.” She must have been an active child, since she accomplished the feat of hopping three times across High Street without stopping. She was very fond of animals—a liking she retained to the end of her days.
She went through the usual school routine of the time. The division of subjects would seem strange to the scholar of the present day. There was a school for English, and another for writing. Girls were sent for a time to a sewing and again to a knitting school. In all branches of sewing she was proficient. There was no French teacher in Belfast in her school days, but her father, who had been in France as a prisoner of war, wished his children to learn the language, and engaged an old French weaver, who lived in the town, to come in the evenings to teach them. His English translations were somewhat peculiar, fault was always “it be to be.” Mary would generally endeavour to get her lesson said first, that she might get a sleep with her head on the table.
After leaving school she had no idle time. Besides other household work, her share of shirt-making, stocking-darning (her mother knit the stockings), for four brothers, gave plenty of occupation.
When she was past her childhood, the family left High Street, and went to Rosemary Street. Two of the young men married, but remained for a time beneath the parental roof. Their house was known by some as Noah’s Ark, and numerous were the inmates, the inferior animals being largely represented.
In course of time Mary M ‘Cracken, always energetic, proposed to her sister that they should go into business. The project was carried out, and they commenced the business of muslin manufacturers. Mary was the moving spirit, and worked early and late. She has said that so closely confined was she at times, that, when going to the post office before breakfast, she has felt inclined to leap and dance with delight in the fresh morning air. Her chief object in trying to make money was that she might have some of her own to give away as she wished. She was of a very sanguine temperament and did not spare herself, and to some extent she succeeded in her object ; but—perhaps the times were against her—she had much struggling and anxiety, and the ultimate result was disappointing.
‘ Before proceeding further, it may be well to take a glance at the state of the country and the condition of the people. Anarchy had reigned in Ireland for centuries, and even when the times became more settled, the poverty in the rural districts was extreme. Still the mass of the people, ignorant of modern improvements, and prejudiced against innovations, were content to rub along in the old way, particularly those of them who happened to live on the estate of a free-handed resident landlord, who would keep about hint an unlimited number of hangers-on, paying little money (for of that he had small share himself), but easygoing in his exactions of service, and dispensing hospitality as lavishly in the kitchen as in the dining-room. But a very little disturbance of the regular order of things—such as a less abundant harvest, a bad potato crop, or anything which reduced ever so slightly the scanty supply of necessaries—brought them to actual want, and anyone who demanded money by legal right, be he tithe collector, agent of non-resident landlord, excise or custom-house officer—any messenger of the law—was regarded as a natural enemy to be thwarted and resisted.
The religious element mingled largely with all agrarian troubles, for it so happened that those who were opposed in interests were usually of different creeds. It has ever been the case that religious wars have produced an intensity of bitterness, estrangement, and distrust beyond any others, and Ireland has been no exception to this rule.
It would be tedious even to name the various parties ; who banded themselves together to resist the law or oppose each other. Their numbers were drawn from the peasantry, or the smaller farmers, who very little better olE Let it suffice to mention a few of the Northern societies—”Oak-Boys” and “Hearts of Steel” between 1762 and 1770; then there were the “Peep-of-Day Boys,” from whom were developed the modern Orangemen; and the “Defenders,” who were Catholics. The “Hearts of Steel” came into connection with Belfast on the occasion of a riot in 1770, under the following circumstances
Some of Lord Donegall’s leases having fallen simultaneously, he asked an increased rent on renewing them. This was by no means unreasonable, because the land had been originally let at a very low rate in the beginning of the century, just after a long period of troubled times; however, he also desired renewal fines. Some of the prosperous merchants of Belfast were ready to pay larger fines than the tenants had ready cash for, and took some of the farms over the tenants’ heads. This was done simply as a speculation for the purpose of sub-letting them, and aroused great indignation in the country. Greatly exaggerated reports were circulated as to the sums Lord Donegall had obtained. Some cattle belonging to a Belfast merchant who had taken land at Ballyclare were maimed, and a farmer from Templepatrick was arrested as a participator in the outrage, and taken to Belfast barracks for security.
The “Hearts of Steel” in the neighbourhood, having assembled, called on the people to release the prisoner, and a crowd marched to Belfast. Being unable to attain their object, they proceeded to the house of another offender, a leading merchant, which they set on fire. They returned to the barracks, but the soldiers fired, and three men were killed. The inhabitants feared the destruction of the town. Negotiations were opened, and eventually the prisoner was released.
While a sort of listless discontent, which on provocation was ever ready to break out into a flame, pervaded the agrarian population, the mercantile portion of the community had likewise their grievances some of the more important may he noticed.
Previous to the Revolution there had been considerable exportation of wool and woollen manufactures, but in the reign of William III. a law was passed which altogether destroyed the trade. The exportation of woollen goods was prohibited altogether, and only wool might be sent to- England. Thus a poor country was further impoverished, and a stimulus given to smuggling—a form of lawlessness already too much practised. In many parts of the island there were facilities for carrying on a contraband trade—a rugged coast, bad roads, and a scanty population, who sympathised with the evasion of laws which were imposed by the stronger country for their own interest with high-handed power. In return for Irish goods, wine and brandy were brought from the Continent. Gentlemen on whose property the landing was effected had their cellars filled at a trifling expense. This ministered to the habits of lavish hospitality which helped to ruin so many families, while it gained for them popularity among their own class, and the devotion of their numerous dependants.
But smuggling was looked upon as a very venial offence indeed, and was commonly practised. Mary M’Cracken related, as a proof of her father’s strict integrity, that he would not smuggle, nor allow his sailors to do so on his behalf, as he considered a custom-house oath as binding on the conscience as any other. Some captains made £200 a-year by smuggling, hut her mother made as much by her manufacturing business. - - Duties between England and Ireland must have been, to say the least of it, exceedingly troublesome, and were, when possible, evaded. A lady visiting England would buy English lace for herself and friends, and sew it on all her garments, to be taken off on her return,
But to return to the subject of manufactures. When the woollen business was destroyed in Ireland, by way of making some compensation, the manufacture of linen and exporting of it was encouraged. One of the measures taken to promote this object was the sending of Huguenot weavers into the country, to introduce a better manner of weaving.
From time immemorial linen had been manufactured in Ireland, no doubt at first in a very rude manner, but improving with the requirements and appliances of civilisation; how ever, it was only about the end of the seventeenth century that it became an article of export.
The manufacture was principally carried on in the North. Spinners and weavers worked in their own houses, and the work when finished was taken to the employers, or to market to be sold. During the eighteenth century the trade in linen increased rapidly, and in the last quarter of the century the cotton manufacture was introduced, and was for a time a considerable business, though it has now left the country.
Belfast had been rising in importance as a commercial town, and had become the chief port in Ulster. Early in the century a brown linen market was held in it, and in 1782 it was proposed to establish a white linen market for the North of Ireland. A subscription was opened to build a White Linen Hall, the foundation-stone of which was laid the following year.
Various other industries were carried on in the town, and as trade with foreign countries increased, and the restrictions upon it became more generally felt, men of business began to find themselves numerous and influential enough to protest against them with some hope of being attended to. In 1779 some partial relief was obtained, and there was great rejoicing in Belfast in March, 1780, when news arrived that an Act had been passed in the British Parliament granting to Ireland “Free trade with America,” as it was called. That meant the repeal of a law by which trade with the Colonies could only be conducted through England, so that goods meant for Ireland had to be landed in England and re-shipped, and vice versa. The relaxations granted were, however, but partial, and, moreover, rested an insecure basis. What England was at that time pleased to grant she .might withdraw.
‘When England’s resources had been taxed to the utmost by the American War, with France also an enemy, the Irish had been suffered to misc a volunteer army to protect their homes from invasion. When that danger was at an end, the Volunteers turned their attention to home affairs, and, waxing bolder by their first success, assembled in 1782, formulated the wishes of the people, and demanded an independent parliament. The repeal of Poyninga’ Act was obtained, and the Irish Parliament became, at least in name and form, independent of England. But much more was needed before the hope could be entertained, of obtaining from Parliament the redress of grievances which it was for the supposed interest of the ruling powers to uphold. At that time the so-called representation of the people was a mere mockery, and “Reform of Parliament” became the cry. Catholic Emancipation also was maintained to be a duty, but whether it should be asked for in its completeness at once, or whether it ought to be partial and gradual, was a question about which there was much difference of opinion and dissension among the Protestant agitators for reform.
Belfast members of Parliament were chosen by the Sovereign and burgesses, under the direction of the Earl of Donegall. In some of the counties the electors were constrained to return the nominees of their landlords, and even where they were sufficiently independent to send popular candidates to Parliament, these sometimes yielded to the temptation of place or pension, and betrayed the trust committed to them. No Catholic had a right to vote.
The inhabitants of Belfast were most energetic in endeavouring to secure, in County - Antrim (where alone they had any power), representatives pledged to do their utmost to obtain their desires, and to abstain from the acceptance of place or pension.
Reared amid such influences, Mary M ‘Cracken was from her early years intensely interested in politics; and various political incidents, in which some of her relatives were concerned, became indelibly imprinted on her memory, such as the following —Her grandfather, Francis Joy, then residing in Randalstown, a very old man, confined to his couch by a disease in his leg, had himself conveyed to Antrim to vote at a Parliamentary election for Rowley and O’Neill, the popular candidates. His son Robert, meeting him there, said— “What brought you here, sir?”” The good of my country,” was the reply. The side for which he voted was triumphant, but the day that the members were chaired he died.
Another anecdote was After reading—
‘And next the little printer well engage:
Strange that a man so upright and so sage
Should be perverted by a pageant gown,
Laughed at by fifteen thousand of the town;
This mans a contrast to his sons and sire,
His brother and his sons, whom all admire’—
I asked my sister, ten years older than myself, who were the i5,ooo who laughed at my Uncle Harry; for my Uncle Harry was my mother’s favourite brother, to whom she went for advice, and every person esteemed him. ‘All the people of the town,’ said my sister.”
The lines quoted are from a squib entitled—” in Praise of the Corporation of Belfast an Heroic Poem.” The principal inhabitants had petitioned Lord Donegall to send Mr. Waddell Cunningham to represent Belfast in Parliament, which he refused to do. Mr. Cunningham and Mr. Hewitt then contested the seat for Carrickfergus. The former was returned by a large majority in February, 1784. In the following month the Sovereign and burgesses appointed Mr. Hewitt M.P. for Belfast.
As Mary M’Cracken advanced to womanhood, the interest in public affairs became more absorbing, and notable events followed in quick succession.
The French Revolution had exerted a powerful influence. It seemed at the time as if
at once the oppression ol ages had ceased for ever, and a nation had horst its bonds, and -
started on a career of progress and prosperity, in which the poor and weak would have a
part, and share in the privileges hitherto denied them.
‘While as yet the horrors with which we associate that great event had not been developed, the enthusiasm was well nigh universal. On the anniversary of the taking of the Bastille, that and the other events of the period, by which freedom appeared to have been secured, were commemorated in Belfast by processions, assemblies, and dinners, in which the Volunteers took a prominent part.
The war of American independence, and its successful termination, was celebrated with due honour, and the victors held up to admiration.
Ireland, too, had wrongs to be redressed; and the example set by other nations helped to sustain the energy of those who laboured for their removal.
Some of the Belfast politicians were becoming alarmed at the increasing tendency of opinion towards democracy. Lord Charlemont was communicated with, and at his suggestion a Whig club was established in the town early in 1790, similar to one which had been founded some years previously tn Dublin.
The Volunteers, while they refused to compromise their independence by accepting of any assistance from Government, always professed the greatest loyalty, and manifested their readiness not only to defend the country from foreign foes, but also to lend their assistance to enforce the law at home,
1786, Nov. 17.—At the request of the sheriff of the Co. Antrim, a party of the Belfast Volunteers, with two six-pounders (one of which belonged to the 1st Companv. the other to the Belfast Blues), marched to Ballymena, to assist in enforcing an execution on a house in that neighbourhood. On their arrival, the two pieces were drawn up in front of the house (which had been previously prepared for defence), and pointed in order to begin the attack, under the orders of the sheriff, when the defenders fled precipitately, and effected an escape; after
which, possession was taken by the sheriff.” -,
“1792, Ap. 2.—A detachment of Belfast rst Vol. Company. with one of the Compy’s field pieces, marched, at the request of the sheriff of the Co., to the townland of Derrymore and barony of Upper Massareene, which was forcibly withheld. After an hour spent in fruitless entreaties to prevail on the intruders to surrender the premises, the sheriff ordered the corps to fire on the house. A hot action immediately commenced, and after a desperate resistance, in which the house was much shattered, the occupiers retired to the rear, and
- made their escape in different directions. The detachment returned to Lisburn on the same evening, having marched upwards of 32 miles, and arrived in Belfast without the slightest
injury having happened to any individual.” -.
The Society of United Irishmen was established in Belfast in Oct., 1791, their ostensible object being to procure “A complete reform in the Legislature, founded on a communion of rights, and a union of power among Irishmen of every religious persuasion.”
But every organisation in Ireland, whether for reform, revolution, or rebellion, has been composed of men having different ends in view, who could travel but a short way together. No doubt the ostensible object was the real one of many of the United Irishmen, but it is now well known that some of the organisers aimed from the very first at separation from England. -
Theobald Wolfe Tone assisted in founding the first club of United Irishmen, and for that purpose he visited Belfast in the autumn of 1795, accompanied by Thos. Russell. He was invited by a secret committee, who, without obtruding themselves upon public notice, managed the affairs of the advanced political party in Belfast. Tone had espoused the Catholic cause, although he was not a Roman Catholic himself, but appears to have had, in so acting, objects as yet but partially avowed, and, as one who for a time acted with him wrote, “to have been only so far set upon emancipation as it fell in with his ideas of reform upon the French principles.”
His advocacy was, however, welcomed by the Catholics; and about half a-year after having organised the United Irishmen’s club in Belfast, he was appointed Catholic Agent, under the title of Assistant Secretary, at a salary of 2oo a-year.
What were Tone’s religious opinions, if he had any, did not very clearly appear even to his contemporaries. Mary M’Cracken. in reply to Dr. Madden, author of The United Irishmen: their Lives a,sd Times, wrote—”Tone was not sceptical. There was a society in Belfast of a political kind, all of whose members were sceptics. They would not admit him, because he believed in the troths of religion.”
However, he advocated with skill and success the cause of union, and it was uphill work, for distrust of the Catholics was strong among the Dissenters of the North. During Tone’s sojourn at this time, there were many discussions and arguments on the subject. Objections such as the following were advanced by the opponents of onion
1st danger—To true religion. Roman Catholics would, if emancipated, establish an Inquisition.
2nd. To property. By reviving Court of Claims, and admitting evidence to substantiate Catholic titles.
3rd. Of throwing power into their hands, which would make this a Catholic Government, incapable of enjoying or extending liberty.
A newspaper, called The Northern Star, was started to advocate the cause of the United Irishmen. The first number appeared 1st Feb., 1792.
The brothers of Mary M’Cracken took their share in the doings of the time. The eldest was a Volunteer ; Henry Joy, her favourite brother, two years her senior, and an older one, William, were United Irishmen.
The ladies of the family took a lively, if less active, interest in politics. The Northern Star was attentively perused. Miss Mary once exclaimed, on recovering from a fever—”Oh, I have missed so many of the Stars.”
Paine’s Rights of Man was read and admired. Tone called it—The Koran of Blefescrs _. (Belfast). Mrs. M’Cracken, afterwards hearing of his Age of Reason, said it could not be his,
but most have been written by some one who attributed it to him to discredit him.
Paine, however, afterwards fell in the estimation of at least her younger daughter, for she spoke of his vulgarity and inordinate self-conceit.
In 1793 the Volunteers were suppressed. A proclamation was issued, iith March, for. bidding armed parties to parade ia military array.
When the Volunteers first demanded Reform, all was unanimity. No dissentient voice was heard in Belfast; but as time went on, differences of opinion arose. Some wished to follow the French example; others were cautious and moderate, and sought only to improve, not to overturn.
Joy, in his preface to Belfast Politics, published in 1794. describes the disunion which prevailed in the town, and the dissatisfaction which was felt on account of its being garrisoned by a large military force. The few adherents of the court who bad previously been constrained to keep silence, now ventured to express their opinion, encouraged by the presence ot the army. The advanced party took credit to themselves for the change of popular feeling and public measures with respect to the Catholics, and declared their determination to act on the most enlarged principles, and to make no compromise with bigotry and injustice.

The moderate party charged their opponents with having, by imitation of republican principles and language, alarmed the more moderate, and caused distrust on the part of the Catholics; while their affectation of secrecy and policy of bluster had given occasion to the Government to refuse further concessions, and had afforded a pretext for the employment of repressive measures.
In 1795 the Society of United Irishmen changed its character—it became secret, a test was required, and now, without doubt, its purpose was separation.
Henry Joy M’Cracken continued a member in its new organisation. He was employed to induce the Defenders to join with the United Irishmen. he was suited for this work, as he had engaging manners, an agreeable address, and unbounded enthusiasm. The Defenders were Roman Catholics, the United Irishmen mostly Presbyterians.
In the early summer of 1795, Tone paid a second visit to Belfast on his way to America, being compelled to leave Ireland in consequence of his political conduct. During this visit, he and tour others met In McArt’s fort, Cave Hill, where they took “A solemn obligation never to desist in their efforts until they had subverted the authority of England over their country, and asserted her independence.” One of these four was H. J. M’Cracken.

His beloved sister sympathised with him in his aims, but probably did not know how deeply he was involved in the business, lie was for a time manager of a cotton factory in the Falls Road, and resided at the works. In a letter to a friend, she lamented his lonely and isolated position; but it is possible he may have had more occupation for his leisure hours, and even for some of those which might with advantage have been devoted to business, than she or the rest of the family suspected. Indeed, some one wrote to his father expressing dissatisfaction with his attention to business. However, it is impossible to know how these things may have been. Business in general was in a very depressed condition. The cotton manufacture had been introduced, and seemed likely to flourish, but expectations were disappointed. The partnership of the Falls Road concern was dissolved in 1795, and the manager returned home.
Some time afterwards there was a riot, ín which some of the dragoons were concerned. They cut down some shop signs, among them a figure of a French and one of an American general. H. J. M’Cracken interfered, and seized one of the soldiers, whom he delivered up to his officer. This affair had the appearance of a drunken brawl, but a deeper political significance was attached to it than appeared on the surface; and M ‘Cracken went to lodge in Holywood. where Thomas Russell, who had assisted Tune and Nelson in organising the first United Irishmen’s Club, frequently bore him company.
On one occasion, Mary M’Cracken asked her brother if he was not afraid to trust the Catholics (at that time there were very few in Belfast). He said—” Would not you trust Betty?” She replied—” I would.” Betty was an old charwoman whom their mother had once employed to assist in hiding their silver plate, when it was reported that the French were in Carrickfergus. She was the only Catholic the family knew at the time. The old woman mourned a son who had enlisted as a soldier. ‘It’s not,” she said, “the loss of my son, but his taking the oath that’s so much against him’ (viz., the abjuration of Popery). M’Cracken’s special work among the United Irishmen was to organise the Defenders, who were Catholics he had a command among them. Few of them had education or position to fit them to be officers.
The Government was well informed of the proceedings of the United Irishmen. In 1796 some of those in Belfast were arrested, among whom were Wm. and H. J. M’Cracken. The prisoners were taken to Kilmainham, where they were detained fourteen months. During that time, the Misses M’Cracken twice visited Dublin. Some of their relatives had gone to reside in that city, among others Counsellor Joy. The muslin business was still going on, but does not appear to have been flourishing. Their mother wrote— “Nov. s6, 1796.
“Dear MARY,
“I was sorry to find, by John’s letter to his wife, that you don’t like Dublin, though I was sure it would be the case; but I hoped your seeing Harry, and that you might get some of our muslins sold, would partly reconcile you to it. . . . Our friends are all very attentive to me, and I could do pretty well about your business if I had money to give the weavers; and indeed they behave very well.
“Dear Mary, “Your affect. Mother, “ANN M’CRACKEN.”
H. J. M’Cracken suffered in health from his confinement, and was an invalid for some time after his return, but as soon as possible he resumed his labours in the cause. Preparations for the Rising were going on, and the order was expected during March and April, 1798. The coach horn Dublin to Belfast was to be stopped as a signal, and North and South were to rise simultaneously; but the courage and resolution for bold action were wanting in the commanders of Co. Antrim (“The cowardly directors,” as they came to be designated). They hesitated. The general resigned. The Co. Down general had been arrested. Difficulties arose, about a leader. Eventually, H. J. M’Cracken was chosen General-in-Chief. But the opportunity had been lost—everything had become disorganised—the fearful and half-hearted had deserted; many even of the zealous knew not where to go, nor whom to follow. At various places small parties had assembled according to appoiatm cot, but finding no leader and no instructions, had no other course open to them but to endeavour to make their way back to their homes as best they might.
H. J. M’Cracken, suddenly thrust into the foremost place, was considered to have shown much skill, but it was a forlorn hope. He and a few coadjutors exerted themselves to the utmost. The battle of Antrim was fought on the 7th June, and the Insurgents completely routed.
H. 3’. M’Cracken and a small party escaped; they wandered for some days among the mountains near Belfast, their first intention being to join the Wexford men. Mary M’Cracken having heard of the disastrous issue of the fight, went in search of her brother, accompanied by her sister-in-law, who wished to find out something about her husband, also a fugitive. It was soon discovered that William had succeeded in getting back to Belfast. However, his wife would not desert her friend, and the two proceeded on their way. After spending a night in a house of a friend to the cause, they resumed their search, and were at last successful. After giving the information to those in hiding that Col. Nugent knew of their intention to join the Southern rebels, some time was spent in consultation, after which the ladies were led to a pour cottage, where they passed the second night. They had another interview with M’Cracken the following morning, and returned home. Their journey was performed on foot.